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  5. <title>UTas ePrints - Leadership and school results</title>
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  13. <meta content="Silins, Halia" name="eprints.creators_name" />
  14. <meta content="Mulford, Bill" name="eprints.creators_name" />
  15. <meta content="Leithwood, K." name="eprints.editors_name" />
  16. <meta content="Hallinger, P." name="eprints.editors_name" />
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  21. <meta content="Leadership and school results" name="eprints.title" />
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  26. <meta content="This chapter focuses on three aspects of high school functioning in the context of
  27. educational reform: leadership and the school results of organisational learning and
  28. student outcomes. A brief review of recent and significant work in these areas provides a
  29. framework for a discussion of what makes a difference to high school performance. The
  30. findings of a three-year study of high schools in two Australian states is used to extend
  31. our present knowledge of these areas and the nature of their interaction and influence on
  32. school processes and outcomes.
  33. Prior to the review of recent and significant work in the areas of leadership,
  34. organisational learning and student outcomes, it is relevant to place the chapter within the
  35. ongoing debate on the value of school effectiveness and improvement research. The
  36. central themes of critics of the school effectiveness movement are that it overclaims the
  37. success of effective schools and that it is a socially and politically decontextualised body
  38. literature which, wittingly or unwittingly, has provided support for the inequitable
  39. reform programs of neo-liberal and managerial governments (Angus, 1993; Anyon, 1997;
  40. Elliot, 1996; Hamilton, 1996; Slee et al., 1998; Sammons et al., 1996; Sammons &amp;
  41. Reynolds, 1996; Stringfield &amp; Herman, 1996; Thrupp, 1999, 2000). Another major theme
  42. centres on the respective emphasis given to 'top down' or 'bottom up' approaches to
  43. school effectiveness and improvement (Scheerens, 1997).
  44. The social and political decontextualisation and inequitable use of school
  45. effectiveness research arguments are important and need to be addressed. However, it is
  46. the overclaiming argument that has the most relevance for this chapter. Most school
  47. effectiveness studies show that 80% or more of student achievement can be explained by
  48. student background rather than schools (Teddlie &amp; Reynolds, 2000). On the other hand,
  49. school effectiveness supporters believe that, even with only 20% of achievement
  50. accounted for by schools, their work has convincingly helped to destroy the belief that
  51. schools do not make any difference. They argue that schools not only make a difference
  52. but they add value despite the strong influence of family background on children's
  53. development (Reynolds &amp; Teddlie, 2000; Sammons, 1998; Thomas, et al., 1997).
  54. Other within schools research suggests that it is teachers in classrooms rather than
  55. the school and how it is organised or led that makes the difference. Hill and his
  56. colleagues, for example, who found that almost 40% of the variation in achievement in
  57. mathematics was due to differences between classrooms, explained this difference as a
  58. result of teacher quality and effectiveness. (Hill, 1998; Hill et al., 1993; Rowe &amp; Hill,
  59. 1997) More recent research based on results from the Third International Mathematics
  60. and Science Survey (TIMSS), questions this explanation. Lamb and Fullarton (2000)
  61. found that the variation in mathematics achievement in high schools was due mainly to differences within classrooms (57%), between classrooms (28%) and between schools
  62. (15%). However, the reasons for the differences between classrooms and schools were
  63. related to more student background and attitude toward mathematics and the types of
  64. pupil grouping practices schools employ than to teachers. In brief, organisational and
  65. compositional features of schools and classrooms had a more marked impact on
  66. mathematics achievement than the quality of teachers.
  67. Of course, student achievement in mathematics and science represents a very
  68. limited understanding of the full purpose of schooling. But little evidence is available
  69. concerning non-cognitive student outcomes. We have tried to take this and the other
  70. points made in the debate on the value of school effectiveness research on board in our
  71. own research. School performance is measured against student outcome measures which
  72. include student participation in and engagement with schools, their views of their
  73. academic performance, as well as school retention, completion rates and academic
  74. results. In respect of the context for school improvement, we include analysis by student
  75. SES and home educational environment as well as school size. In this way we believe we
  76. are able to test the relative contribution of a range of individual, school and societal
  77. factors on student outcomes. Because of this approach to our research, the unfinished
  78. nature of the debate on school effectiveness and improvement and the fact that we can do
  79. little to determine how our results might be used by others, we believe we are justified in
  80. our pursuance of the links between leadership and the school results of organisational
  81. learning and student outcomes in the manner described in the chapter. Our emphasis is
  82. clearly at the 'bottom up' end of the 'top down'/'bottom up' debate. As we will show,
  83. both through the following literature review and our research findings, a 'bottom up'
  84. emphasis does not preclude 'top down' approaches if a strong 'bottom up' approach is
  85. first in place." name="eprints.abstract" />
  86. <meta content="2002" name="eprints.date" />
  87. <meta content="published" name="eprints.date_type" />
  88. <meta content="Kluwer Academic" name="eprints.publisher" />
  89. <meta content="Norwell, MA" name="eprints.place_of_pub" />
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  93. <meta content="Second International Handbook of Educational Leadership and Administration" name="eprints.book_title" />
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  637. <meta content="Leadership and school results" name="DC.title" />
  638. <meta content="Silins, Halia" name="DC.creator" />
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  640. <meta content="330104 Educational Policy, Administration and Management" name="DC.subject" />
  641. <meta content="This chapter focuses on three aspects of high school functioning in the context of
  642. educational reform: leadership and the school results of organisational learning and
  643. student outcomes. A brief review of recent and significant work in these areas provides a
  644. framework for a discussion of what makes a difference to high school performance. The
  645. findings of a three-year study of high schools in two Australian states is used to extend
  646. our present knowledge of these areas and the nature of their interaction and influence on
  647. school processes and outcomes.
  648. Prior to the review of recent and significant work in the areas of leadership,
  649. organisational learning and student outcomes, it is relevant to place the chapter within the
  650. ongoing debate on the value of school effectiveness and improvement research. The
  651. central themes of critics of the school effectiveness movement are that it overclaims the
  652. success of effective schools and that it is a socially and politically decontextualised body
  653. literature which, wittingly or unwittingly, has provided support for the inequitable
  654. reform programs of neo-liberal and managerial governments (Angus, 1993; Anyon, 1997;
  655. Elliot, 1996; Hamilton, 1996; Slee et al., 1998; Sammons et al., 1996; Sammons &amp;
  656. Reynolds, 1996; Stringfield &amp; Herman, 1996; Thrupp, 1999, 2000). Another major theme
  657. centres on the respective emphasis given to 'top down' or 'bottom up' approaches to
  658. school effectiveness and improvement (Scheerens, 1997).
  659. The social and political decontextualisation and inequitable use of school
  660. effectiveness research arguments are important and need to be addressed. However, it is
  661. the overclaiming argument that has the most relevance for this chapter. Most school
  662. effectiveness studies show that 80% or more of student achievement can be explained by
  663. student background rather than schools (Teddlie &amp; Reynolds, 2000). On the other hand,
  664. school effectiveness supporters believe that, even with only 20% of achievement
  665. accounted for by schools, their work has convincingly helped to destroy the belief that
  666. schools do not make any difference. They argue that schools not only make a difference
  667. but they add value despite the strong influence of family background on children's
  668. development (Reynolds &amp; Teddlie, 2000; Sammons, 1998; Thomas, et al., 1997).
  669. Other within schools research suggests that it is teachers in classrooms rather than
  670. the school and how it is organised or led that makes the difference. Hill and his
  671. colleagues, for example, who found that almost 40% of the variation in achievement in
  672. mathematics was due to differences between classrooms, explained this difference as a
  673. result of teacher quality and effectiveness. (Hill, 1998; Hill et al., 1993; Rowe &amp; Hill,
  674. 1997) More recent research based on results from the Third International Mathematics
  675. and Science Survey (TIMSS), questions this explanation. Lamb and Fullarton (2000)
  676. found that the variation in mathematics achievement in high schools was due mainly to differences within classrooms (57%), between classrooms (28%) and between schools
  677. (15%). However, the reasons for the differences between classrooms and schools were
  678. related to more student background and attitude toward mathematics and the types of
  679. pupil grouping practices schools employ than to teachers. In brief, organisational and
  680. compositional features of schools and classrooms had a more marked impact on
  681. mathematics achievement than the quality of teachers.
  682. Of course, student achievement in mathematics and science represents a very
  683. limited understanding of the full purpose of schooling. But little evidence is available
  684. concerning non-cognitive student outcomes. We have tried to take this and the other
  685. points made in the debate on the value of school effectiveness research on board in our
  686. own research. School performance is measured against student outcome measures which
  687. include student participation in and engagement with schools, their views of their
  688. academic performance, as well as school retention, completion rates and academic
  689. results. In respect of the context for school improvement, we include analysis by student
  690. SES and home educational environment as well as school size. In this way we believe we
  691. are able to test the relative contribution of a range of individual, school and societal
  692. factors on student outcomes. Because of this approach to our research, the unfinished
  693. nature of the debate on school effectiveness and improvement and the fact that we can do
  694. little to determine how our results might be used by others, we believe we are justified in
  695. our pursuance of the links between leadership and the school results of organisational
  696. learning and student outcomes in the manner described in the chapter. Our emphasis is
  697. clearly at the 'bottom up' end of the 'top down'/'bottom up' debate. As we will show,
  698. both through the following literature review and our research findings, a 'bottom up'
  699. emphasis does not preclude 'top down' approaches if a strong 'bottom up' approach is
  700. first in place." name="DC.description" />
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  702. <meta content="Leithwood, K." name="DC.contributor" />
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  814. <h1 class="ep_tm_pagetitle">Leadership and school results</h1>
  815. <p style="margin-bottom: 1em" class="not_ep_block"><span class="person_name">Silins, Halia</span> and <span class="person_name">Mulford, Bill</span> (2002) <xhtml:em>Leadership and school results.</xhtml:em> In: Second International Handbook of Educational Leadership and Administration. . Kluwer Academic, Norwell, MA, pp. 561-612.</p><p style="margin-bottom: 1em" class="not_ep_block"></p><table style="margin-bottom: 1em" class="not_ep_block"><tr><td valign="top" style="text-align:center"><a href="http://eprints.utas.edu.au/1661/1/1_SilinsMulfordHandbook2002PDF.pdf"><img alt="[img]" src="http://eprints.utas.edu.au/style/images/fileicons/application_pdf.png" class="ep_doc_icon" border="0" /></a></td><td valign="top"><a href="http://eprints.utas.edu.au/1661/1/1_SilinsMulfordHandbook2002PDF.pdf"><span class="ep_document_citation">PDF</span></a> - Full text restricted - Requires a PDF viewer<br />367Kb</td></tr></table><div class="not_ep_block"><h2>Abstract</h2><p style="padding-bottom: 16px; text-align: left; margin: 1em auto 0em auto">This chapter focuses on three aspects of high school functioning in the context of
  816. educational reform: leadership and the school results of organisational learning and
  817. student outcomes. A brief review of recent and significant work in these areas provides a
  818. framework for a discussion of what makes a difference to high school performance. The
  819. findings of a three-year study of high schools in two Australian states is used to extend
  820. our present knowledge of these areas and the nature of their interaction and influence on
  821. school processes and outcomes.
  822. Prior to the review of recent and significant work in the areas of leadership,
  823. organisational learning and student outcomes, it is relevant to place the chapter within the
  824. ongoing debate on the value of school effectiveness and improvement research. The
  825. central themes of critics of the school effectiveness movement are that it overclaims the
  826. success of effective schools and that it is a socially and politically decontextualised body
  827. literature which, wittingly or unwittingly, has provided support for the inequitable
  828. reform programs of neo-liberal and managerial governments (Angus, 1993; Anyon, 1997;
  829. Elliot, 1996; Hamilton, 1996; Slee et al., 1998; Sammons et al., 1996; Sammons &amp;
  830. Reynolds, 1996; Stringfield &amp; Herman, 1996; Thrupp, 1999, 2000). Another major theme
  831. centres on the respective emphasis given to 'top down' or 'bottom up' approaches to
  832. school effectiveness and improvement (Scheerens, 1997).
  833. The social and political decontextualisation and inequitable use of school
  834. effectiveness research arguments are important and need to be addressed. However, it is
  835. the overclaiming argument that has the most relevance for this chapter. Most school
  836. effectiveness studies show that 80% or more of student achievement can be explained by
  837. student background rather than schools (Teddlie &amp; Reynolds, 2000). On the other hand,
  838. school effectiveness supporters believe that, even with only 20% of achievement
  839. accounted for by schools, their work has convincingly helped to destroy the belief that
  840. schools do not make any difference. They argue that schools not only make a difference
  841. but they add value despite the strong influence of family background on children's
  842. development (Reynolds &amp; Teddlie, 2000; Sammons, 1998; Thomas, et al., 1997).
  843. Other within schools research suggests that it is teachers in classrooms rather than
  844. the school and how it is organised or led that makes the difference. Hill and his
  845. colleagues, for example, who found that almost 40% of the variation in achievement in
  846. mathematics was due to differences between classrooms, explained this difference as a
  847. result of teacher quality and effectiveness. (Hill, 1998; Hill et al., 1993; Rowe &amp; Hill,
  848. 1997) More recent research based on results from the Third International Mathematics
  849. and Science Survey (TIMSS), questions this explanation. Lamb and Fullarton (2000)
  850. found that the variation in mathematics achievement in high schools was due mainly to differences within classrooms (57%), between classrooms (28%) and between schools
  851. (15%). However, the reasons for the differences between classrooms and schools were
  852. related to more student background and attitude toward mathematics and the types of
  853. pupil grouping practices schools employ than to teachers. In brief, organisational and
  854. compositional features of schools and classrooms had a more marked impact on
  855. mathematics achievement than the quality of teachers.
  856. Of course, student achievement in mathematics and science represents a very
  857. limited understanding of the full purpose of schooling. But little evidence is available
  858. concerning non-cognitive student outcomes. We have tried to take this and the other
  859. points made in the debate on the value of school effectiveness research on board in our
  860. own research. School performance is measured against student outcome measures which
  861. include student participation in and engagement with schools, their views of their
  862. academic performance, as well as school retention, completion rates and academic
  863. results. In respect of the context for school improvement, we include analysis by student
  864. SES and home educational environment as well as school size. In this way we believe we
  865. are able to test the relative contribution of a range of individual, school and societal
  866. factors on student outcomes. Because of this approach to our research, the unfinished
  867. nature of the debate on school effectiveness and improvement and the fact that we can do
  868. little to determine how our results might be used by others, we believe we are justified in
  869. our pursuance of the links between leadership and the school results of organisational
  870. learning and student outcomes in the manner described in the chapter. Our emphasis is
  871. clearly at the 'bottom up' end of the 'top down'/'bottom up' debate. As we will show,
  872. both through the following literature review and our research findings, a 'bottom up'
  873. emphasis does not preclude 'top down' approaches if a strong 'bottom up' approach is
  874. first in place.</p></div><table style="margin-bottom: 1em" cellpadding="3" class="not_ep_block" border="0"><tr><th valign="top" class="ep_row">Item Type:</th><td valign="top" class="ep_row">Book Chapter</td></tr><tr><th valign="top" class="ep_row">Additional Information:</th><td valign="top" class="ep_row">The original publication is available at www.springerlink.com</td></tr><tr><th valign="top" class="ep_row">Subjects:</th><td valign="top" class="ep_row"><a href="http://eprints.utas.edu.au/view/subjects/330104.html">330000 Education &gt; 330100 Education Studies &gt; 330104 Educational Policy, Administration and Management</a></td></tr><tr><th valign="top" class="ep_row">ID Code:</th><td valign="top" class="ep_row">1661</td></tr><tr><th valign="top" class="ep_row">Deposited By:</th><td valign="top" class="ep_row"><span class="ep_name_citation"><span class="person_name">Mrs Anita Cubit</span></span></td></tr><tr><th valign="top" class="ep_row">Deposited On:</th><td valign="top" class="ep_row">27 Aug 2007</td></tr><tr><th valign="top" class="ep_row">Last Modified:</th><td valign="top" class="ep_row">09 Jan 2008 02:30</td></tr><tr><th valign="top" class="ep_row">ePrint Statistics:</th><td valign="top" class="ep_row"><a target="ePrintStats" href="/es/index.php?action=show_detail_eprint;id=1661;">View statistics for this ePrint</a></td></tr></table><p align="right">Repository Staff Only: <a href="http://eprints.utas.edu.au/cgi/users/home?screen=EPrint::View&amp;eprintid=1661">item control page</a></p>
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